There are plenty of cultural treasures : the Cathedral of St. Situated on the shores of Lake Ohrid, the town of Ohrid is one of the oldest human settlements in Europe. Built mainly between the 7th and 19th centuries, it has the oldest Slav monastery St Pantelejmon and more than Byzantine-style icons dating from the 11th to the end of the 14th century.
After the collection at the Tretiakov Gallery in Moscow, this collection is considered to be the most important collection of icons in the world. Moreover, the wealth of the country led Ohrid to be placed on the World Heritage List in The dispute over the official name of Macedonia dates back to , when it proclaimed its independence from Yugoslavia.
Greece feels that Macedonia is the birthplace and homeland of Alexander the Great. Thus, Greece considers the name Republic of Macedonia as a territorial demand on their northern province of the country. Greece also holds the position that a name change could greatly dismantle the already volatile region. Become a member Member Login. National holidays of the member states of the Council of Europe. No products in the basket. FR DE. Adhesion to the Council of Europe : Area : 25 km2 Population : 2.
Ohrid, World Heritage. Pianist Simon Trpceski. Did you know? You might also like to read. Greece and Serbia received large amounts of territory, while Bulgaria obtained only a small portion of the country. One Macedonian nationalist group, the United Macedonian Organisation-Illinden, was denied registration by the Bulgarian Law Court in late on the grounds that the Bulgarian constitution states that no political party should be based on ethnic lines. Although it is not legally recognised, the organisation clearly exists.
It was formed in November under the name Illinden. All complained of "repressions [ In response a Bulgarian foreign ministry official made these comments:. In the foreign political aspect, the Illinden United Macedonia Organisation is not regarded as a problem for Bulgaria because it does not concern the country's relations with any of its neighbours [ In addition to the legal challenges based on the Constitution, other actions have been taken by the government to try to limit the activities of UMO-Illinden.
IMRO is committed to "countering all attempts to erode Bulgarian national unity"; it stands against "pan Serbian and pan Greek ambitions at the expense of Macedonian Bulgarians". We are against the lies of the Comintern and Tito that we are Macedonians and not Bulgarians. The very fact that about a million and a half refugees from Macedonia or their descendants live now in Bulgaria shows what we are and which country we consider our homeland" BTA, 25 May , in BBC Summary of World Broadcasts , 28 May Athens refers to them as "Slavophone Greeks".
This Greek policy of non recognition has been consistent since Poulton, , In fact many of the Slavs living in Greece left, or were expelled from, Greece during and after the Greek Civil War - It is estimated that between 80, and , left at the time with the majority settling in Yugoslav Macedonia.
In Athens issued a decree intended to start the colonisation of the northern parts of the country "with new colonists with healthy national consciousness". The anti-Macedonian element of this law became apparent when the only other significant minority in northern Greece - the Turks of Western Thrace - were excluded from the measure.
In the Papagos government resolved to remove all Slav Macedonians from posts as officials in Greek Macedonia. In villagers from Lerin, Kostur and Kajlari were asked to confirm publicly, in front of officials, that they did not speak Macedonian.
Many emigrated to Australia and Canada Poulton, , The Greek attitude to the Slav Macedonians makes it very difficult to estimate how many are actually living in northern Greece. The Times has estimated the figure at 75, 5 October Radio Free Europe has also hazarded a guess:. Those who remain [after the Greek civil war] probably number between 10, and 50, although unofficial Greek sources place the figure at between 2, and 3, and the Athens government claims that there is no 'Macedonian national minority' [ It seems that the language of the older generation is Slavic [ The younger generation appears to know only Greek , Nevertheless there are indications that at least some of these Macedonians in Greece have held on to their Macedonian identity.
For example, there is a newspaper - Ta Moglena - which is distributed to some 5, people in northern Greece who claim to be Macedonians. Furthermore, in an organisation calling itself the Central Committee for Macedonian Human Rights appeared.
According to Hugh Poulton its not clear whether the organisation is run by inhabitants of Northern Greece or by emigre Macedonians , One factor in the relationship between Tirana and Skopje which should not be overlooked is the Macedonian minority in Albania.
Hugh Poulton estimates that there are between ten and twenty thousand, although Skopje claims over , Slav Macedonians are living in Albania. He argues that the ethnic Macedonians in Albania are treated relatively tolerantly and that the Albanians do not see their Slav minorities as posing a significant threat , 6.
Radio Free Europe says the highest available figure for the Macedonian population in Albania to which RFE does not attach much creditability is 80, , As will already be clear, FYRM has highly complex relationships with its neighbours.
In the immediate aftermath of the collapse of communism it seemed that Albania and FYRM were moving closer together. In June President Salih Berisha of Albania and President Gligorov pledged to establish a "model relationship" based on open borders and economic cooperation. In the borders were opened on a number of occasions to allow Albanians from either side of the border to meet their relatives RFE , , At the same time, Albania was slow to recognize FYRM because it was hoping that in return Skopje would recognize the self proclaimed republic of Kosovo.
Skopje was afraid to do that for fear of Serb reprisals Eastern Europe Newsletter , 21 September It was perhaps inevitable that tensions would arise over the status and treatment of the large Albanian minority in FYRM. In Tirana started seeking "constituent nation" status for the Albanian minority.
Serb nationalists have not reconciled themselves to the loss of Macedonia. The local Serb population were quick to deny that they had any such plans see section 4. The use of this name would obviously be unpopular with the Albanian minority Eastern Europe Newsletter , 8 June In December the Serb Orthodox Church asked the Macedonian Orthodox Church to give up its independence which it had won in and become subordinate once again to Serb Orthodoxy.
The Macedonian Church rejected the proposal. Greece's relations with FYRM or, as the Greeks call it, "the State of Skopje", have been getting steadily worse ever since the country declared independence. Greece argues that the emergence of a Macedonian state to its north poses a threat to its territorial integrity. This is a big issue in Greece where up to one million people regularly attend demonstrations to protest against the use of the name Macedonia in describing FYRM United Press International , 31 March First, the name.
At the time there were various proposals - the Greeks wanted "Republic of Skopje"; the Austrians suggested "Central Balkan Republic"; the Albanian minority favoured a classical term, "Dardania". President Gligorov discussed the possibility of keeping the term Macedonia but qualifying it with "north" or "new".
In the event none of these options were acceptable to all the parties concerned Eastern Europe Newsletter , 21 September As the matter stands Greece refuses to accept the word Macedonia, however qualified, in the name of the new country Agence France Presse , 31 March Secondly, Greece is demanding an end to the use of the gold pointed Star of Vergina as the national emblem of FYRM and as the centre piece of its national flag. It was discovered in by Greek archaeologists in the southern tip of Greek Macedonia - a region which never had any Slav population Eastern Europe Newsletter , 21 September ; 1 December In order to press home the extent of its concern about these issues Greece has taken a number of steps.
In December it formed 44 new battalions, bringing its northern border force to 60, men Daily Telegraph , 9 December No goods - except humanitarian supplies such as medicines - are being allowed through the port of Salonika. It counters complaints from the EU with the argument that there are "political as well as legal " aspects to the embargo United Press International , 31 march ; Reuter , 31 March The relationship between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria was for a period amongst the most difficult of any relationships between two communist states.
The dispute between the two countries hinged on the so called "Macedonian Question". Tito wanted to incorporate Pirin Macedonia in Yugoslavia.
The Bulgarians were not interested in such a proposal. The argument came into the open when Belgrade broke its close links with Moscow. Having originally acknowledged the existence of a Macedonian minority in the Pirin region, by the Bulgarians were saying that there was no such minority.
By Sofia was on the offensive, claiming that two thirds of the people who lived in the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia were in fact Bulgarian Crampton, , The dispute still rumbles on. The Yugoslav delegation to the conference alleged that Bulgaria was violating the rights of the Macedonian minority. This was denied by the head of the Bulgarian delegation who said: "There is not a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria", before going on to describe the Yugoslav allegations as a "regrettable relapse to the past".
While Bulgaria was the first country to recognise FYRM in January , that was largely because Bulgaria would rather see an independent government in Skopje than one subordinate to Belgrade Poulton, , 7. Furthermore, it is important to notice the lack of an explicit recognition of the Macedonian people as a separate nationality RFE , , Skopje lies at the heart of a region which, excepting the long period of Ottoman rule, has been for two millennia amongst the most volatile in Europe.
Apart from the ethnic Albanian riots in Skopje in November , FYRM has managed to avoid significant political violence throughout the course of the war in former Yugoslavia. Nevertheless it has found itself playing host to thousands of refugees.
Other estimates went as high as 50, Certainly there were enough refugees in the country to cause some resentment amongst the host population: demonstrations were held to protest at the construction of accommodation blocks for refugees Poulton, 25 April The difficulty of counting refugees in FYRM is enhanced by the presence of so many ethnic Albanians from Kosovo and from Albania itself.
They do not show up in official figures because they do not have official papers. These people are likely to be excluded from the forthcoming census in FYRM. In fact the ethnic Albanian leadership has threatened to boycott the census on the grounds that the difficulty in obtaining official papers means that the number of ethnic Albanians will be under-counted. It is worth noting a related issue which has been causing considerable controversy with FYRM. According to the Independent, a secret meeting took place in Vienna on 10 March between various European Interior Ministers and officials to organise the repatriation of ethnic Albanian asylum seekers through FYRM to Kosovo.
The Independent , 18 March According to Tanyug, a senior official at the Macedonian Interior Ministry, Kiril Sarevski, confirmed that the Vienna meeting took place - at the request, he said, of the German authorities. Looking ahead there is considerable potential for refugees both entering and leaving FYRM. As Prime Minister Crvenkovski has himself put it:. There is no doubt that if a conflict breaks out here in Macedonia, a Balkan war including Albania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey is unavoidable Times , 6 April It is possible to imagine a number of scenarios which would result in the destabilisation of FYRM.
Writing in the Times Misha Glenny has argued that the most significant threat comes from the ethnic Albanian community within the. War in Macedonia can still be avoided. But to do so the government will have to act decisively to advance Albanian rights, even in the teeth of a Macedonian nationalist backlash. Urgent international mediation is also required to reconcile the differing interests of Skopje, Tetevo and Tirana The Times , 6 April Hugh Poulton agrees that a breakdown in the relationship between the Albanian minority and the authorities in Skopje is the most likely cause of destabilisation in FYRM Poulton, 25 April Much depends on the attitude of Serbia.
Prime Minister Crvenkovski has made quite clear his view that the Serbian President has not reconciled himself to the loss of Macedonia: "Serbia wants all of Macedonia back", he says Independent , 11 November Jane's Intelligence Review outlines two possible scenarios involving Serbia:.
The first is a Serbian move across the border to reoccupy Macedonia [ Refugees would be pushed over in a new Serbian campaign against ethnic Albanians, while the ethnic Albanians in western Macedonia would provide the basis for Albanian resistance in Kosovo. The situation in Kosovo will remain crucial to the republic [FYRM] with real possibility of it being dragged into any violent conflict which may erupt there. Any of these three scenarios: 1 the Albanian minority demanding greater or complete autonomy; 2 violence in Kosovo spilling over or 3 a Serb invasion of FYRM, would have refugee implications.
The following analysis of the likely outcome of these scenarios is based on a telephone interview with Hugh Poulton on 25 April If there were conflict between ethnic Albanians and the majority population in FYRM then the Albanians might try to flee. They would go to Albania and Greece. There are already between , and , ethnic Albanians in northern Greece and these would probably act as a magnet to ethnic Albanian refugees from FYRM. At the same time it is quite likely that if there were a substantial movement of people towards Greece, Athens would try to seal its border.
In that case, the ethnic Albanians would have little choice but to go to Albania itself. Much the same considerations apply to destabilisation resulting from civil conflict in Kosovo.
But in this case there would be one important further consideration. In that case, some of the majority Macedonian population as well as ethnic Albanians could be expected to try to flee. Like the ethnic Albanians, many might try to move to Greece. Again it is likely that they would be thwarted because the border would probably be sealed.
In that case, the Macedonians would have little choice but to move to Bulgaria. The Bulgarians would be likely to receive them warmly. In fact Bulgaria is the traditional destination for Macedonian refugees - substantial numbers moved to Bulgaria between and the late 's and again after the second world war. It is worth noting that the Macedonians currently in Bulgaria sometimes refer to themselves as refugees even though their families moved to Bulgaria many generations ago.
These are by no means the only scenarios which foresee a threat to the stability of FYRM. Other scenarios, though, are so speculative as to have little value.
But even the three offered above serve to demonstrate the vulnerability of the new state. There is also the increasingly difficult relationship with Greece although, as the Guardian has pointed out: "Ironically, given the vehemence of the Athens campaign, Greece alone among Macedonia's neighbours is not a predator The Guardian , 19 March The Greek embargo of trade with FYRM is tending to divert attention away from other more potentially serious problems.
The Guardian , 31 July Stanford: Hoover Press Publication, Current human rights issues and needs in Bulgaria: interim report to Council of Europe. Sofia, Log in. Remember Me. Forgot password? Email this document Printable version. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content.
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History of the Balkans , Vol. New York: Cambridge University Press, Minorities and boundaries in the Balkans. Durham, Minority Rights Publications, The Balkans: minorities and states in conflict. London: Minority Rights Group, Vol 1, No 25, 19 June Vol 3, No 1, 7 January
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